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Humanism and Theology

8/26/2020

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Classical Greek culture and scholastic theology still informed our worldview three quarters of a century ago. When I say "our" worldview, I am referring to that of a significant part of the cultured elites of yesteryear, responsible for keeping alive our connection with the great Western tradition, in order to train new generations of men and women in wisdom.

Before the civilizational disruption of the 1960s, the expression "cultured elites" was redundant. Today it is an unpardonable oxymoron. However, at the back of obscure libraries and dusty bookstores, there are remnants of a time when the work of a university professor in Human Sciences consisted of something other than fostering the new radical left social agenda.

A book such as Humanism and Theology (1943), by German Hellenist Werner Jaeger (1888-1961), is a good example of an academic work that allows us to penetrate the mental universe of the great scholars of the last century, and, through them, to reconnect with the great intellectual tradition of the West, which dates back to Ancient Greece.

The purpose of Jaeger’s book is to study the relationship between the anthropocentric cultural tradition of Ancient Greece and the theocentric scholastic theology of St. Thomas Aquinas. In an age of both fantasized and programmed posthumanism, the careful study of the relationship between classical humanism and Christian theology sounds terribly anachronistic, I know. 

For the ancient Greeks, the "enhanced man” was not a genetically modified human body. It was a man cultivated by the paideia (the classical educational program) and elevated by intellectual contemplation. For the Fathers of the Church, the monks of the Middle Ages and the masters of medieval scholasticism, it was a man sanctified by grace and divinized in the beatific vision.

At the end of the long process of cultural and spiritual disaffiliation known as modernity, culture and grace have both been discarded, to be replaced by mass entertainment and the faith in technoscience, while the university has gradually and mostly confined itself short-sightedly to the role of supplier of manpower, out of pure venality, it seems. 

As the late Simon Leys wrote it in The Hall of Uselessness (2013), “The university is now under increasing pressure to justify its existence in utilitarian and quantitative terms. Such pressure is deeply corrupting... When a university yields to the utilitarian temptation, it betrays its vocation and sells its soul.” (p. 464) And it widens the gap between us and our intellectual heritage.

Only half a century separates us from scholars like Werner Jaeger or Henri-Irénée Marrou, but the cultural situation has deteriorated itself so much that entering their intellectual universe is now a matter of historical anthropology. We must make a real effort of “mental migration” to familiarize ourselves with their cultural and intellectual frame of reference.

We cannot help thinking that it is precisely because contact has been lost with the life of the spirit promoted by these great scholars that postmodern people, called to greatness by God like all other generations before them, are today rushing to embrace the utopian dream of transcending our natural human limits, not through divinization, but through transhumanism.

If only people knew that there are other ways to be “enhanced” than surrendering to the medical-pharmaceutical complex, which trivializes more and more every day the industrial treatment of human life, genetic engineering and the commodification of human reproduction. If only they could come across a book like Humanism and Theology… or the Bible.

                                                                       *

Without being a work of Christian apologetics (as far as I know, Werner Jaeger never claimed to be a believer), this little book has the much valuable interest of correcting a certain number of preconceived ideas about the intellectual history of the West, and of restoring the Christian tradition to its central place in the conservation and development of Western civilization.

Delivered in 1943 as part of the Aquinas Lectures, at Marquette University, in Milwaukee (Wisconsin) - a place where Yves Simon (1940), Jacques Maritain (1942) and Étienne Gilson (1947, 1951) also gave lectures over the years -, the text published that same year under the title Humanism and Theology addresses the "problem of the theocentric view of the world represented by St. Thomas and its relationship to the Greek ideal of culture and the classical tradition which is the foundation of all humanism” (p. 2). The examination of this problem provided the Hellenist with an opportunity to recall some historical truths about Christianity that are too often overlooked.

First of all, W. Jaeger insists upon the fact that the best of classical humanism didn’t flourish in relativistic views and the seeking of material gain in the teachings and way of life of the Sophists, these Greeks rhetoricians of the time, who were paid to teach eloquence, and who boasted of their ability to defend the pros or cons on any subject, depending on the desired effect on the audience, thereby showing their little concern for morality and true knowledge. Rather, it flourished, Jaeger claims, in theology and contemplative life with Plato and Aristotle. Consequently, the humanistic tradition is in perfect harmony with Thomasian theocentrism, which promises man the most formidable destiny: that of divinization in the beatific vision.

Then, secondly, the Hellenist rightly reminds us that the Humanist Renaissance of the 15th and 16th centuries was preceded by other revivals of the classical Greek culture, in “the Roman civilization of Cicero’s own time and of the Augustan age” (p. 23), in the fourth century patristic culture, during the Carolingian reign and especially during the scholastic period. Without the Aristotelian-inspired rationalism “of the time of St. Thomas”, “the Renaissance of the 15th century certainly would not have been what it was” (p. 28), says W. Jaeger. For the theological rationalism of the Scholastics has “laid the foundations for any further rational development, both religious and profane.” (p. 28). Hence, the Middle Ages made the Renaissance possible. 

Finally, third point, theses Aquinas Lectures were an opportunity for W. Jaeger to recall that the formation of man (the paideia, as the Greeks used to say when talking about education) is fully accomplished, as Plato knew it in his own way, through man's participation in the divine life. For W. Jaeger, the unwillingness of modern humanism to recognize that man has access to God through natural theology, that is, through reason alone, and eventually through Revelation when the grace of conversion and faith is bestowed, is ultimately a profoundly anti-humanist attitude. One that impedes man from knowing himself as he is, from living to the full as he could live, from being what he is: a creature called to communion with the origin, end and purpose of all that is, that is to say, with God.

In short, Humanism and Theology is a little-known gem. A forgotten one, even. Just like the sunken continent of classical studies, to which it belongs, and whose disappearance, like that of Christianity, dramatically weakens the West. To read such a book is to return to the vital sources of our culture.


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A Trip to The Middle Ages

8/22/2020

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In this article, I just want to briefly present the best book I read last year: L’amour des lettres et le désir de Dieu. It was originally published in French in 1957, and then translated into English three year later under the title The Love of Learning and the Desire for God. It truly is a masterpiece, authored by 20th century French monk and scholar Jean Leclercq o.s.b. (1911-1993).

Let me say it again, this is a masterpiece. Benedict XVI referred to it in his speech at the Collège des Bernardins in Paris, in 2008. I had kept the title in mind, but I don't remember when I got my hands on it. It has been sitting in my bookshelf for a few years without me ever touching it. And then last fall, in preparation for a workshop on lectio divina (which is a spiritual way of praying while reading the Bible) I took the time to read it. I discovered a work according to my heart, made for those who want to deepen their knowledge by entering the literary and cultural world of medieval monks (The Love of Learning...), as well as for those who seek spiritual elevation through an initiation to monastic theology (...and the Desire for God).

This gem of scholarship does not have the dryness of academic works, but it does have the solidity of it. It is factual like a good history book, but it offers us the keys to the spiritual world. It was written to introduce young monks to the history of their spiritual tradition, but it nourishes the soul of anyone who seeks God in His Word. For the secret of the monks is that their daily life was, so to speak, bathed in the Word, as it was read, copied, meditated upon, sung during the Divine Office, ruminated at any time of the day, and tasted during periods of work and periods of leisure. The soul of the Middle Ages is brought to light, explained and resolved in some way when we look at this constant companionship with the Word. For the Benedictine and Cistercian monks of the Middle Ages, it was their way to respond to the call “to walk humbly with [their] God” (Mi 6:8).

Experienced as a time of fruitful intimacy with God, lectio divina (which literally means “divine reading” [of the divine Word]) made them lean, like the apostle John, on Jesus’ bosom, to hear and fathom the heart of God. In Dom Leclercq's work, this spirituality based on divine reading is recovered and offered for us to imitate. This is all the more inviting because not only does the scholar give it to us to understand, but he makes us enter into communion with its deepest impulses. As we close the book, we know that in the end it is up to us to ensure that these impulses continue through the vicissitudes of our 21st century lay people lives, like a succession of waves, raised by a wind that comes from above, thanks to frequent meditation on the Word of Life.

Monastic theology derives entirely from this particular way for the disciples of Saint Benedict and Saint Bernard to seek God in the Word, to find him in meditation, to call upon him in prayer and to meet him in contemplation, as Guigo II, the Carthusian monk, successor of Saint Bruno at la Grande Chartreuse, explains in his book The Ladder of the Monks (Scala claustralium, 12th century). Distinct from scholastic theology, because it developed in monasteries, and not in Universities, without the logical practices of disputatio (oral performance) and questio (written work), but by the means proper to monks, which are the meditative reading of Scripture, the study of the Fathers of the Church and liturgical prayer, monastic theology pursues, as a specific end, not the sanctification of our intelligence through the development of speculative activity and rationally organized theological knowledge, but the deepening of an intuitive and tasty knowledge, which emanates from the heart, that is to say, which is received from God in the depths of our subjectivity, and which blossoms, of course, in greater understanding of the mystery, but above all in the intimate experience of God, in the contemplative life.

Monastic theology then expresses itself in oral or literary forms which stylistically bear the imprint of this subjectivity when it addresses other souls, in order to better induce in them the same relationship of loving closeness to God, while scholastic theology, by contrast, is written in an impersonal language, and in a style which leaves nothing of the author's interior life to be seen, in order to better understand and show God in himself or in the objectivity of his mysteries.

Monastic theology and scholastic theology commune with each other and share the same fundamental desire for God, but the latter, it would seem, focuses all its attention on the seminal moment where the spirit of man is fecundated by infused grace and indulges in contemplation of the transcendent God, perceived as Eternal Truth in the crystalline clarity of an unblemished intelligence, while the former seeks to draw its joy from the full penetration of this same infused grace in the entirety of the soul, and from the divine inebriation that this enveloping experience of God, which is accomplished in mystical espousals, provides. One, the monastic, is above all relational and experiential, while the other, the scholastic, lives the relational aspect of faith through the rational apprehension of God enhanced by grace.

Having made this distinction, one can understand what is so compelling about monastic literature, whose spiritual aim is essentially relational, and how its presentation by J. Leclercq o.s.b., far from simply informing us, has the power to transform us. Or should I say to move and to transport us, since to be informed is already to be transformed. We also see how scholastic theology, no less spiritual at its source, is formally subject to the demands of logic, and why it requires, in order to be appreciated, a form of asceticism in the effort of abstraction which is certainly not for everyone. In the end, however, the two theologies are in communion. The love of Love that is God cannot help but encounter the love of Truth that is God, for in God “Love and truth will meet” (Ps 85:11).


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And What About Vatican II? - Part II

8/14/2020

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This blog post is the second part of And What About Vatican II? The first part is here.

Group n° 3: The Unsatisfied

The third group is that of those who have been disappointed by Vatican II, because of a lack of audacity on the part of the episcopate, they say. These disappointed Catholics:

1) Acknowledge that Vatican II has made it possible to break with the rigid and dogmatic habits of the pre-conciliar Church, which was killing the life of the Spirit within its walls, and they welcome as great advances all the developments that occurred in the ecumenical and interreligious fields, because it was a recognition of the fact that the Spirit also moves outside the Church.

2) stress the importance of Dignitatis Humanae, because of its acceptance of religious freedom as a basic human right (a right that quickly served as a justification, for some Catholics who sought to distance themselves from certain Church teachings that seemed superstitious, retrograde or oppressive to them.)

But these same people also consider that:

3) The conciliar Fathers stopped too early on the path of reform and that their work must be continued through an ongoing process of questioning and criticizing the old forms of ecclesial life, with a view to the emergence of a new Church, capable of entering into relationship with today's world.

4) The unwillingness to adopt a truly progressive agenda for reform is due to the existence, in Rome and elsewhere, of a Catholic conservatism opposed to the true spirit of the Gospel, and whose influence persists despite 60 years of liberalization of our religious practices and beliefs in the Church.

Group n° 4: The Opponents

A fourth category of people is extremely critical of Vatican II and considers that:

1) Vatican II is a disaster from almost every point of view (ecclesiological, because of the confusion about the role that each one is supposed to play in the Church; theological, because of the promotion of flagrant heresies; liturgical, because of the replacement of the traditional Mass, etc.).

2) Vatican II erred seriously on various subjects (religious freedom, relations with the modern world, ecumenism, interreligious dialogue), first because the Fathers of the Council lost sight of the primary mission of the Church, which is to defend and propagate the revealed truth, and second, because they replaced this mission with a strategy inspired by humanism and atheism, whose ultimate goal seems to be to live a good neighbourly relationship with the modern world.

3) Vatican II officialized the Church's submission to modernity (and postmodernity), which soon resulted in Catholics adopting all modern ways of thinking and living, to the detriment of the Catholic worldview and ethics.

4) The condition for a true "Renaissance" of the Church lies in the abolition of Vatican II and a return to the mentality and morality that were normative before 1962, but the progressive mentality that predominates in the Church today is an obstacle preventing the rapid realization of this project. 

Where I stand (the short version)

Personally, I have points of agreement and disagreement with each of these groups or each of these theological positions. Except for the second one, with which I fully agree. I therefore belong to the second group: those who are both in solidarity with and critical of the Council. In solidarity, because it was needed in its time and theologically well inspired for the most part. Critical, because Vatican II initiated changes that were more than necessary, but in a way and in a spirit that probably lacked foresight and prudence. Moreover, it has often been poorly understood, promoted and implemented on the pastoral ground.

The group that I find the hardest to agree with and that I criticize the most is the third group. First of all because its progressive theology is excessively influenced by the rationalism of the Enlightenment and by Marxist or socialist thought. Second, because it's the most widespread type of Catholicism in Quebec, and therefore, very concretely, it is the one I'm fighting in a fraternal way most often, on most pastoral and ecclesial grounds.

With the first group, that of the enthusiastic Supporters, I share the conviction that we must avoid the two pitfalls of antimodernism and hypermodernism. With the third group, that of the Unsatisfied, I share the conviction that the Spirit moves beyond the Church’s walls. With the fourth group, that of the Opponents, I share the conviction that the pre-conciliar Church is full of treasures (I am thinking, in particular, of Neo- Thomist philosophy and theology), which it is in our interest to re-appropriate, if we want to be well armed, intellectually speaking, to deal with the worst aspects of the irrational postmodern society.

But unlike the first group, I find that some aspects of Vatican II deserve to be criticized, and that it is bad for the intellectual health of the Church to turn the “spirit of the Council” into an untouchable idol. Unlike the third group, I consider that a progressive agenda is as bad as a reactionary one, and more damaging, insofar as progressives are more numerous in Quebec and that they can therefore lead us into more massive theological and pastoral drifts. Unlike the fourth group, I consider that Vatican II prompted much needed changes, and that the pre-conciliar Church can serve as an inspiration in some areas only, while in others its deficiencies are obvious, and need not be replicated.

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And What About Vatican II? - Part I

8/14/2020

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Among Catholics, the debate about the value (or lack of value) of the theological outcomes of the Second Vatican Council is endless.

Recently, we've seen Bishop Robert Barron produce a video series on the purpose and legacy of the Council, in order to highlight the best aspects of it, and to help the faithful, "especially young Catholics", "to fully understand and re-appropriate Vatican II". Secondarily, Bishop Barron’s initiative also aims at countering the influence of a host of opponents to the Council, who are obviously gaining influence on social networks.

I believe that there are four essential ways for Catholics to position themselves today in relation to Vatican II. If we ask a group of faithful "Was the Second Ecumenical Council of the Vatican a good thing for the Church?", some will enthusiastically answer "Yes!", others will say "Yes, but something went wrong somewhere", others will respond "Yes, obviously, but it's just the beginning of what’s really needed in the Church today", and finally others will declare, "No, it’s a catastrophe”!  

So, there is a group of enthusiastic supporters of Vatican II, who give thanks to God for it; a group of perplexed observers, welcoming the Council, but deploring what finally came out of it or what was done with it, often without respecting the original intention of the Council Fathers; a group of unsatisfied supporters, anxious to go further in the modernization of the Church; and a group of fierce opponents who would like to return to the antimodern Church of Pius X. In my next two articles, I would like to examine each of these viewpoints on the Council in more detail. 

Group n° 1: The Supporters

The supporters of the Council, who consider its reforms to be balanced and make the case for their full implementation, avoiding any form of liberal or fundamentalist deviation, put forward the fact that:

1) the tremendous value of Vatican II comes from the fact that, in a way, it synthesizes all the renewal efforts that preceded it in the 20th century (biblical renewal, liturgical renewal, patristic renewal, etc.)

2) The work of the Council Fathers allowed this effort of renewal to prevail and the spirit of reform to triumph, in a context where, no long before, such a spirit had often been suspected, by a reluctant Roman authority, of introducing into the Church ideas and practices considered theologically problematic or pastorally questionable. 

3) The seal of the Council and the authority of the Church have made it possible to perpetuate this precious heritage to this day. In this regard, the Church is especially indebted to John Paul II and Benedict VXI.

4) we must defend this heritage today (which is in continuity with the Church's great two-thousand-year-old tradition), against anti-modern reactionary movements and hypermodern progressive movements.  

Group n° 2: The Bewildered :

Those who have mixed feelings about the Council:

1) recognize the merits of John XXIII's plan of aggiornamento, which aimed at breaking with the siege mentality that prevailed in the Church at that time and which too exclusively conditioned her relations with the modern world, seen above all as a mortal threat by the antimodernist current.

2) consider the main theological and pastoral developments of Vatican II in the ecclesiological field (role of the laity, episcopal collegiality, etc.), the ecumenical and interreligious fields, and the political field (recognition of religious freedom) to be well inspired and well balanced.

But these same people:

3) cannot fail to see what misappropriation and distortion of their message the documents of Vatican II have been subjected to in the name of the Council’s spirit.

4) cannot fail to observe that Vatican II's attempt at ecclesial renewal was followed by a dramatic fall in the participation of the faithful in the sacraments and an acceleration of the secularization process of the West. Without seeing the Council as an exclusive cause or sufficient explanation for this obvious decline, they however allow themselves to examine what went wrong at, in or around the Council, in terms of theological reflection, renewal management and pastoral implementation. 

The second and final part of this article is to be found here.

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The Love of Knowledge and The Desire for God in Ancient Greece - Part V

8/12/2020

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Academic tradition teaches us that philosophy began in the 7th century in Miletus, an important city in Asia Minor, and that the first thinker in this city to initiate philosophical reflection was called Thales. In this article, we will therefore examine how the geographical and cultural location of Miletus may have contributed to the emergence of philosophy, and what were Thales' main reflections in the field of natural theology. 


I. Miletus: capital city of 7th Century Greek culture

For an intellectual revolution such as the birth of philosophy to take place, certain material and cultural conditions were needed, among which are political stability, economic prosperity and cultural creativity. The geographical location of Miletus provided these conditions, as well as its many political connections and economic exchanges with both the Mediterranean and the Near East region, which made possible the cultural influence of the city all the way to Athens, the direct inheritor of the Ionian philosophical legacy.

The creativity and fecundity of Miletus became obvious in different technical and theoretical fields, where new types of intellectual disciplines and knowledge appeared, to reshape the way Greeks were relating to their natural and cultural environment. The critical treatment of their ancestors’ polytheistic religious tradition brought about a new kind of knowledge. And the new type of knowledge that emerged in turn induced a different relationship to the world. The demythologization of culture gradually emptied the universe of traditional gods, and opened the way to philosophy.

The new way of producing knowledge was no longer to invoke the gods and ask for divine inspiration, like the poets did. Inquiring into nature and society was the new method. Thus, the new type of knowledge depended on investigation, observation, experimentation. It was first and foremost exploratory. This empirical basis then allowed the exercise of critical and inductive reasoning. At the end of the rational process, a description and explanation of the phenomena involved was produced. Most often, the knowledge thus accumulated was put in writing, in prose (contrary to the mythological tradition, transmitted in verse) and disseminated within the networks of scholars.

Let us now look at the theological ideas put forward by the Milesians Presocratics philosophers, who first contributed to the foundation of natural theology as a specific branch of philosophy. For each figure, I’ll specify which of their concepts, judgments or logical reasoning have advanced the development of natural theology, whether we find them in the cosmological, anthropological or metaphysical portion of their research. As we survey the constitution of a network of thinkers disseminated throughout the Mediterranean Greek world, and the foundation of an enduring intellectual tradition of rationalization of our knowledge, we should be able to follow step by step the development of natural theology which will culminate in the metaphysical works of Aristotle, in the 4th century BC.   


II. The First Presocratic Philosopher: Thales of Miletus

Cosmology - Since Platon and Aristotle, Thales is renowned for having initiated the study of nature (phusis, in Greek). Rejecting the mythological traditions, Thalès endeavoured to find an empirical and rational cause or explanation to nature that was internal to it. His thesis, reported in Aristotle's Metaphysics, is that everything comes from water. In other words, that water is the archè (the one principle), explaining the existence of nature, its development, and its current composition. Water is the fundamental principle from which everything comes, and from what everything is made of. The idea of the unity of the cosmos stems from this vision of a world structured around a single principle. In Thales philosophy of nature, there is also an attempt to reach systematicity, for water is construed not only as the origin and foundation of the whole reality, it is also the explanation of more specific natural phenomenon, like the fact that the earth stays still. It is, argues Thales, because it is floating on water, “like a piece of wood” (Aristotle). So, Thales’ understanding of nature is based on a set of key concepts:

  1. empiricity (of our experience of the world) and rationality (of the approach) (5)
  2. causality (the search for one or many principles) (4)
  3. unicity (search, if possible, for one general and universal of principle) (4)
  4. naturality (of the cause) (3)
  5. unity (of the world seen as an orderly totality) (2) and systematicity (of our knowledge of it [intelligibility] (6))

We find here, next to each concept, the points (2) to (6) of the list I produced in my previous article.  In sum, Thales is looking rationally for a natural cause, the single cause that will give an account of the world’s unity and intelligible structure.

Theology - We’ve already stressed elsewhere Thales’ idea of an omnipresence of the divine (everything is full of gods, he says), and the idea that magnets endowed with a soul). There is obviously still much confusion here, between the theological, the cosmological and the psychological levels. How is the divine present to the world? How is the soul invisibly present in the matter and moving it? The information we have from tradition about the thesis from Thales is too incomplete to answer these questions. But the things we know for sure is that the matter is not all that matters for Thalès. We also know that Diogenes Laërtius (3rd century AD), a biographer of the Greek philosophers, ascribes the following statement to Thales: "Of all beings, the oldest is God, because he was not begotten; the most beautiful is the world, because it is the work of God..." We have every reason to doubt the authenticity of such an attribution, for the idea of the word being created by God is not Greek at all, it is a Jewish one. Conversely, the idea that reality is internally determined by a spiritual principle (the gods or the soul) is a very Greek one.

philosophical Anthropology - The clues that could give us an idea of Thales' anthropology are extremely meager. We know that Thales had a conception of animate beings as being capable of moving things. Based on this empirical observation, he deduced that magnets are also endowed with a soul, since they move metals. On the basis of the same judgement, it is obvious that Thales conceived man as an animated being. However, we don’t have enough information about his theories to qualify and characterize this human soul.

Thales could also be the one who coined the famous Greek aphorism “Know thyself”. So the tradition of philosophy as a disciple or self-awareness that would lead to the development of a series of spiritual exercises aimed at pacifying the soul could go back as far as the 6th century, B.C.

Other reports mention Thales activities as an astronomist, an engineer and a political adviser and even a smart businessman. Over time the figure of Thales has been so magnified that it is likely that legend is mixed in with the true accounts. Today, in the case of Thales, it is not possible for us to make a clear distinction between what is history and what is mythical amplification.

What we know for sure is that he was looking for a first explanatory principle, and that spiritual entities such as "gods" or the soul were always part of his worldview. Werner Jaeger fully understood the importance of Thales' idea that "everything is full of gods" and gave a brilliant explanation of how critical thinking, while rejecting the old mythical explanation, did not reject the divine itself, but simply its more commonly accepted understanding.

This is what W. Jaeger concluded from Thales' affirmation of the omnipresence of the divine in nature:

Thales’ gods do not dwell apart in some sequestered and inaccessible region, but everything - that is, the whole familiar world about us, which our reason takes so soberly - is full of gods and the effects of their power. This conception is not without its paradox, for it clearly presupposes that these effects can be experienced, and experienced in a new way: they must be something that can be seen with the eyes and grasped with the hands. We no longer need to look for any mythical figures in or behind the given reality in order to discern that it is itself a theater where high powers hold sway. So in restricting our cognition to that which we find immediately before us, we are not necessarily compelled to abandon the Divine. Of course our mere understanding is hardly sufficient in itself to give us any adequate evidence for the gods of popular belief ; but experience of the reality of ϕύσις  [physis]  provides it with a new source of knowledge of the Divine: it is there for us to grasp as if with our own hands, everywhere in the world.”

Here we see, masterfully described, the very beginning of natural theology as an understanding of the Divine based on a rational inquiry into nature.
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    Alex La Salle is currently working as a pastoral agent for the Saint John Paul II Pastoral Unit, which is part of the Diocese of Saint-Jean-Longueuil, Quebec.

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